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Saturday, August 1, 2020

Could This New Fighter Plane from France Carry India's Nuclear Weapons? With the help of the French aerospace firm Dassault, India is becoming better-equipped for high-altitude combat. by Caleb Larson

https://www.reutersconnect.com/all?id=tag%3Areuters.com%2C2019%3Anewsml_RC17CDF812B0&share=true
The first five of the Indian Air Force’s new Dassault fighters recently landed in India after a two-day flight from France. The fighters, from Dassault’s Rafale line, were piloted by Indian pilots and will enter service with India’s “Golden Arrow” squadron. According to Dassault, the pilots underwent extensive training in France along with their ground support crews.

Paris to New Delhi

It’s not the first time that Dassault has supplied New Delhi with state-of-the-art equipment—the company has supplied the Indian Air Force for more than six decades. Dassault notes that “the first Dassault Aviation aircraft, Toofani was supplied to India in 1953, followed by the Mystere IV, the naval Alize, the Jaguar manufactured under license by HAL (Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, an Indian aerospace firm), and the Mirage 2000. These aircraft have contributed to Indian sovereignty all along and the Mirage 2000 fighter aircraft continues to be the IAF’s ‘cutting edge’ till date.”

Dassault advertises the Rafale as an “omnirole” fighter, capable of a variety of missions that include interception, air-to-air combat, close air support, deep and maritime strike capabilities, reconnaissance—and most importantly—nuclear deterrence. The Rafale F3 is the primary nuclear aircraft in French service, and would presumably provide India with similar capabilities.

This most recent order, a total of thirty-six Rafales, is part of a $8.7 billion contract that was inked back in September of 2016. New Delhi and Paris left the door open for thirty-six additional Rafales that could be purchased at a later time. The initial airframe batch included both eight two-seat and twenty-eight single-seat Rafale variants.

The Indian Rafales are built to Dassault’s F3-R standard, though with a number of additions tailored to Indian operational requirements. India’s Rafales are particularly well-equipped for missions in some of India’s mountainous, high-altitude terrain. In addition to improved optronics, modifications include a radar altimeter that assists with over-mountain flight, and a modified cold weather engine start. These changes could give India an edge in high-altitude fights.

War Footing

Dassault’s modified Rafales could not come at a more opportune time for India, a country that is sandwiched between an archival to the west, Pakistan, and a strategic competitor to the east, China. Both countries have recently clashed. In February 2019, an Indian Air Force pilot was shot down while at the controls of an older MiG-21 Bison, a Soviet-era plane that first flew in the late 1950s and is ancient by fighter standards. 

In June, India clashed with China along the Chinese-Indian border near Ladakh, in Kashmir. Approximately twenty Indian soldiers died from wounds sustained during the fighting, with an unconfirmed number of Chinese troops killed or wounded.

Postscript

While the Indian-standard Rafales may not alter the strategic balance of power in the region, it could help push the scales slightly in India’s favor. India has a not-inconsiderable amount of experience fighting at altitude—and now has the modern equipment to back up the tactics. Combined with the French airplanes’s ability to carry nuclear weapons, India could be getting a particularly powerful new addition to their air capabilities.

US warns of ‘consequences’ if Brazil picks Huawei 5G Washington has been lobbying governments to boycott Chinese telecom giant, claiming it poses espionage threat

The US ambassador in Brasilia warned of “consequences” if Brazil chooses Chinese telecoms company Huawei to develop its 5G network, in an interview published Wednesday.

“I wouldn’t say there would be retaliation, but there would be consequences” if Brazil goes against US advice and picks the Chinese firm, Ambassador Todd Chapman told newspaper Globo.

Brazil is due to launch a tender next year for the project to develop the next generation of telecommunications technology in Latin America’s most populous country, home to 212 million people.

The United States has been actively lobbying countries worldwide to boycott Huawei, arguing the firm could allow the Chinese government to spy on their data.

“At any time, the Chinese government could ask Huawei to send it information,” Chapman said.

“There’s no purely American company in the running. I’m not saying this to make a billion dollars. It’s a matter of national security.”

Other companies that have shown interest in Brazil’s 5G tender include Sweden’s Ericsson and Finland’s Nokia.

Chapman also warned Brazil could scare away foreign investment by contracting a company that the US claims violates intellectual property rights and receives unfair state support that puts its competitors at a disadvantage.

“The US position is to alert our allies and friends, such as Brazil, so they know who they’re working with,” he said.

Chapman said the United States was prepared to help secure funds through the International Development Finance Corporation, a US government institution, to roll out 5G “for those who buy products from reliable suppliers.”

The pressure is putting President Jair Bolsonaro’s government in a bind.

Since taking office last year, the far-right leader has cultivated close ties with US President Donald Trump, whom he admires.

But China is Brazil’s biggest trading partner.

The row comes amid what many analysts are describing as a “new Cold War” between the US and China.

Britain announced earlier this month it would remove Huawei equipment from its 5G network, bowing to pressure from Washington despite warnings of retaliation from Beijing.

Chinese long-range bombers join drills over South China Sea

Chinese long-range bombers join drills over South China Sea

China said Thursday that long-range bombers were among the aircraft that took part in recent aerial drills over the South China Sea amid rising tensions between Washington and Beijing over the strategic waterway.

The exercises included nighttime takeoffs and landings and simulated long-range attacks, Defense Ministry spokesperson Ren Guoqiang said. Among the planes were H-6G and H-6K bombers, upgraded versions of planes long in use with the People's Liberation Army Air Force and the People’s Liberation Army Navy Air Force, Ren said.

He said the exercises had been previously scheduled and were aimed at boosting pilot abilities to operate under all natural conditions. It wasn't clear whether live bombs were used.

Ren's statement appeared to distance the drills from recent accusations exchanged between the sides over China's claim to virtually all of the South China Sea, which it has buttressed in recent years by building man-made islands equipped with runways.

The U.S. this month for the first time rejected China’s claims outright, prompting Beijing to accuse it of seeking to create discord between China and its neighbors. Five other governments also exercise claims in the South China Sea, through which around $5 trillion in trade is transported annually.

Previously, U.S. policy had been to insist that maritime disputes between China and its smaller neighbors be resolved peacefully through U.N.-backed arbitration. But in a statement, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the U.S. now regards virtually all Chinese maritime claims outside its internationally recognized waters to be illegitimate. The shift does not involve disputes over land features that are above sea level, which are considered to be “territorial” in nature.

“The world will not allow Beijing to treat the South China Sea as its maritime empire,” Pompeo said.

Although the U.S. will officially continue to remain neutral in the territorial disputes, the announcement means the administration is in effect siding with governments which oppose Chinese assertions of sovereignty over maritime areas surrounding contested islands, reefs and shoals.

In other comments Thursday, Ren criticized stepped-up military cooperation between the U.S. and Taiwan, the self-governing island democracy that China claims as its territory, to be brought under its control by force if necessary. Washington and Taipei have no formal diplomatic ties but the U.S. is the island's key provider of defensive arms and is legally obligated to treat threats to the island as matters of grave concern.

“The U.S. must realize that China is destined to unify (with Taiwan), and China is destined to realize its great rejuvenation,"" Ren said.

Chinese virologist claims coronavirus came from PLA lab Chinese whistleblower alleges coronavirus originated from People's Liberation Army military lab

(YouTube, Lude Press screenshot)

A Chinese virologist and whistleblower on Tuesday (July 28) alleged that the Wuhan coronavirus (COVID-19) came from a People's Liberation Army (PLA) lab.

On Tuesday, Lude Press (路德社) held a livestream interview with Yan Li-Meng (閻麗夢), a virologist who was employed as a researcher at the University of Hong Kong's School of Public Health when the coronavirus pandemic began and who previously accused Beijing of covering up the initial outbreak in Wuhan. Yan said that she spoke out early on because she had seen innocent doctors and patients being exposed to the highly contagious virus.

She said that as a doctor and scientist, she really could not remain indifferent. She then claimed that during her research into the human-to-human transmission of the virus, she traced the source of the outbreak to the PLA.

"At that time, I had clearly assessed that the virus came from a Chinese Communist Party military lab. The Wuhan wet market was just used as a decoy," said Yan. She then claimed that when she reported her findings to her superiors, she was not taken seriously.

The Shandong native felt it would be impossible for her to report the discovery to the high levels of the CCP: "I knew that once I spoke up, I could disappear at any time, just like all the brave protesters in Hong Kong. I could disappear at any time. Even my name would no longer exist." She also emphasized that it was her responsibility to get the information out before being "disappeared."

She pointed out that she had been raised and educated under the CCP and knew "what kinds of things the Chinese government would do" but did not dare guess "how low [the CCP] would stoop." Yan pledged that she would continue to tell the truth about the CCP and the pandemic with the hope of accelerating the outside world's understanding of the regime and helping the Chinese people to overthrow it.

In an interview with Fox News on July 10, Yan claimed that her former supervisor, Leo Poon (潘烈文), had tasked her with investigating a cluster of SARS-like cases being reported in late December. Yan said a friend of hers who is a scientist at the Centre for Disease Control and Prevention in China told her that the virus appeared to be transmissible from human to human.

Yan claimed that Poon at first advised her to continue her investigation, but she said he later told her "keep silent and be careful" when she delivered more evidence on Jan. 16. Yan added that visiting professor and co-director of a WHO-affiliated lab in the university, Professor Malik Peiris, knew of her findings but failed to take any action.

Yan said that because she knew "how the Chinese authorities treated whistleblowers in order to conceal an epidemic," she knew she would have to leave for her own safety. The virologist said that she escaped from Hong Kong on a Cathay Pacific flight in April to "deliver the message of the truth of COVID-19 to the world."

Based on her experiments on the highly infectious nature of the disease, she criticized the Chinese government for the blanket lockdowns issued in Wuhan. She said that locking whole families together into the confines of their homes for long periods, rather than testing and isolating individuals, exacerbated the epidemic.

In response to the Fox News interview, HKU in a statement confirmed that Yan had been a post-doctoral fellow and former staff member prior to leaving the university. However, it claimed that the assertions made in the interview do not "accord with the key facts as we understand them."

In addition, the university denied that Yan had carried out research on the human-to-human transmission of the disease between December 2019 and January 2020. The school said it "does not act on hearsay" and would not comment further on the matter.

Yan co-authored a paper with HKU colleagues on the transmission of the virus in hamsters. Titled "Pathogenesis and transmission of SARS-CoV-2 in golden hamsters," it was published in the scientific journal Nature on May 2020.

Beijing tries to balance nationalism with pragmatism in US relations by Sarah Zheng, Kinling Lo and Jun Mai

Workers remove a plaque marking the US consulate in Chengdu on Sunday night after the office was closed as part of a diplomatic row. Photo: Simon Song
  • Despite an apparent tit-for-tat dispute, China has consistently pulled punches when retaliating against actions from Washington
  • The recent Chengdu-Houston consulate dispute is emblematic of the current state of the relationship.
  • Beijing is attempting to straddle a fine line with Washington as it seeks to mollify domestic appetite for hardline policies without causing irrevocable damage to the relationship.

    Analysts say that despite the “Wolf Warrior” attitude from Chinese diplomats, official rhetoric and online nationalists, Beijing has stopped short of overly provocative steps and has not, or cannot, retaliate with equal force to American diplomatic volleys.

    Tensions flared last week when the US ordered China’s consulate in Houston to close within 72 hours over alleged espionage activities. Beijing reacted by closing the American consulate in Chengdu, rather than shuttering high-profile offices like the one in Wuhan that was temporarily closed during the pandemic or more significant US consulates in Shanghai or Hong Kong.

    The Chinese consulate in Houston, Texas was ordered to close after the US government accused it of being a centre for spying. Photo: Bloomberg
    The Chinese consulate in Houston, Texas was ordered to close after the US government accused it of being a centre for spying. Photo: Bloomberg

    Despite framing the closure in Chengdu as “necessary”, “appropriate” and “reciprocal” – and allowing for a live stream of the event to be viewed by millions – it highlighted Beijing’s balancing act in trying to please its domestic audience without pushing bilateral relations to the brink.

    “Basically, it intended to show that China stands firm but does not want to escalate the situation,” said Zhang Baohui, a political science professor at Lingnan University in Hong Kong. “China’s overall approach, as a rising power, is how not to move the US towards a full-fledged cold war.”

    Tensions between China and the US began to simmer when, in mid-2018, Washington 
    fired the first shots
     in a trade war that continues to this day. Although US President Donald Trump has dismissed further trade talks with China, Beijing maintained it was still committed to the “phase one” trade deal the two sides signed in January.

    Relations have only worsened as the major powers clashed over technological competition, corporate espionage, the coronavirus pandemic and Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Taiwan, and the South China Sea.

  • Last Thursday, when US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo urged democratic-leaning Chinese citizens to more aggressively “induce change” from the Chinese Communist Party, Foreign Minister Wang Yi was busy 

    working to improve relations

     with Germany.

  • Foreign ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said the speech showed Pompeo was “launching a new crusade against China in a globalised world” and urged the world to “step forward to prevent him from doing the world more harm”.

    In early July, Wang sent out a public call for reconciliation and dialogue “as long as the US is willing”. But just over a week later, he said the US had “
    lost its mind, morals and credibility
    ” and said the Trump administration’s “America First” policy had induced bullying and egoism.

    Cui Lei, an associate research fellow at the China Institute of International Studies in Beijing, said the party was still seeking to ease the situation, as had happened after previous moments of heightened tensions; particularly after the US bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999 and in 2001 when a US aircraft and Chinese fighter jet collided near Hainan.

    “Beijing’s strategy is both to maintain stability, express goodwill and to preserve, at least on the surface, a sense that they will not give in,” Cui, a former diplomat, said. “As long as the US does not want to go to war, there is still room for negotiations.”

    When the US sanctioned senior Chinese officials in July over Beijing’s repression in Xinjiang, the most prominent being Politburo member and Xinjiang party secretary Chen Quanguo, China responded by sanctioning lawmakers Marco Rubio, Ted Cruz, Chris Smith and the relatively unknown official Sam Brownback, the US ambassador at large for international religious freedom.

    US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said Chinese citizens should work to “induce change” in China. Photo: Reuters
    US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said Chinese citizens should work to “induce change” in China. Photo: Reuters
    Also in July, Beijing reacted to the 
    US State Department’s approval of a US$620 million missile upgrade package
     to Taiwan by sanctioning Lockheed Martin, a move of little consequence because the US weapons supplier has limited business interests in China.

    Shi Yinhong, a government adviser and US specialist at Renmin University in Beijing, said China had largely avoided equal reciprocation to US actions in recent years.

    “China has less in its toolbox to retaliate with, compared to sanctions that the US and its closest allies, including the UK and Australia, could use,” he said. “Regular use of tit-for-tat could also give Trump exactly what he wants, and further isolate China internationally. And it would get the domestic public used to a strong response and further stimulate the appetite for US hawks in China.”

  • It is difficult to gauge domestic public sentiment in China because of tight censorship and fears of expressing positions in contrast to the official political line.

    On China’s highly regulated social media platforms, state media coverage of the US-China row has spurred more nationalistic, anti-American sentiments. This could put pressure on the leadership to not appear weak against perceived US grievances.

    Zhu Feng, an international relations professor at Nanjing University, said there was a “wide spectrum of public opinions” but that they may not necessarily influence Beijing decision-making.

    “For domestic purposes, China did try to avoid looking weak with the decision in Chengdu and as part of its ‘Wolf Warrior diplomacy’, but I think China has been clear in trying to avoid the new cold war the US now wants to impose on China,” he said.

    Some analysts are hopeful that tensions between the US and China will cool after the election in America. Photo: AP
    Some analysts are hopeful that tensions between the US and China will cool after the election in America. Photo: AP

    Some have also suggested that tensions between the powers could ease after the US presidential election in November, citing that Trump has sought to blame Beijing for American woes from the coronavirus pandemic. The US makes up more than one-quarter of the nearly 16.5 million cases globally.

    But American lawmakers have coalesced around a bipartisan consensus pushing for a more aggressive approach to counter Beijing’s increasing assertiveness.

    Shen Dingli, a Shanghai-based expert on China-US relations, said every action from either country would guarantee a reaction in the current atmosphere, with no end to the downward spiral on the horizon.

    “This has become an infinite loop of action and reaction, and every step of it is taking Sino-US ties closer to the edge of a breaking in ties,” he said. “As long as neither country says, ‘We will not make any moves after being attacked’, then this loop obviously will not stop.”

US congressman introduces Taiwan Invasion Prevention Act Proposed bill authorizes US to use force if China attacks Taiwan

Taiwanese mobile artillery unit during live-fire drill. (Facebook, 國防部發言人 photo)

U.S. Congressman Ted Yoho (R-FL) on Wednesday (July 29) introduced a bill that would authorize the U.S. to use military force if China attacks Taiwan.

In a press release issued on Wednesday, Yoho, who is a ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs subcommittee on Asia, announced that he had introduced the Taiwan Invasion Prevention Act, which he stated would "clarify and strengthen the commitment of the United States to defend Taiwan in the event of an armed attack." Yoho tweeted that same day that the act would establish a "clear red line for China," saying Taiwan's future must be determined on a peaceful basis.

In addition, Yoho pointed out that Taiwan's status is "not a Chinese domestic issue." He explained that Taiwan is, in fact, a "vibrant democracy of nearly 24 million people," the 11th largest trading partner of the U.S., and in a jab at the World Health Organization (WHO), he highlighted Taiwan's role as a "leading contributor to global health security."

In his press release, Yoho stated that the bill lays out several steps to address aggressive military actions taken by China towards Taiwan amid the communist country's escalating aggression in Hong Kong, the South China Sea, and on the Sino-Indian border. Yoho asserted that the 40-year-old U.S. policy of strategic ambiguity towards Taiwan, meant to prevent a Chinese attack on the island and foster peaceful ties, "has clearly failed."

In a draft of the bill uploaded online, it authorizes the president of the U.S. to use force to protect Taiwan under the following three circumstances:

  1. A direct attack by China's military.
  2. The seizure of Taiwanese territory by Chinese forces.
  3. The endangering of Taiwan's military forces or civilians.

The bill includes a sunset clause of five years for the use of force after its enactment. However, it provides for reauthorization by a subsequent act of Congress.

To boost regional security, the bill directs the U.S. to convene a regional security dialogue with Taiwan and like-minded countries as well as engage in military-to-military discussions with Taiwan. It also calls on the U.S. trade representative to enter negotiations on a bilateral trade agreement with his Taiwanese counterparts.

On the subject of combined military exercises, the bill proposes joint drills, disaster relief exercises, and Taiwan Strait transits and freedom of navigation operations. To bolster Taiwan's defenses, the legislation recommends that the country increase its annual defense spending, procure defense technologies to improve its capacity for asymmetric warfare, reform its military reserves, and participate with the U.S. in joint military exercises and on hardening cyber warfare capabilities.

In a section on American support for Taiwan's defense, the bill advocates accelerating weapons sales to Taiwan. It also recommends the secretary of defense send U.S. military advisors to Taiwan, encourage U.S. military personnel to enroll in Taiwan's National Defense University, maintain a significant American naval presence near Taiwan, and reestablish the "Taiwan Patrol Force" under the jurisdiction of the U.S. Navy.

Under a section for high-level visits, the bill prescribes a visit by the U.S. president to Taiwan within a year after the act is passed and a meeting between the top leaders of the two countries. Likewise, it also advocates a visit by the president of Taiwan to the U.S. and a meeting between the two heads of state.

Lastly, the bill invites the president of Taiwan to address a joint meeting of Congress and take part in a roundtable discussion with legislators on Capitol Hill.

In response, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) spokesperson Joanne Ou (歐江安) described the proposed legislation as "a very friendly bill" and said that Taiwan would like to express "our sincere thanks to Yoho for the introduction of this important bill." Ou stated that the congressman has taken a concrete action to safeguard the stability of the Taiwan Strait and support its democratic system.

Ou said that MOFA would continue to pay close attention to future developments with the bill and maintain close contact with the U.S. Congress and president. "The government will defend democracy and freedom. This is something we will not compromise or yield on, and it is also the consensus of 23 million people," said Ou.

India and China race to build along a disputed frontier By Pratik Jakhar

Men building railway

India and China are trying to out-build each other along their disputed Himalayan border.

A new road to a high-altitude Indian forward air base is said to have been one of the main triggers for a clash with Chinese troops last month that left at least 20 Indian soldiers dead.

The 255km (140-mile) Darbuk-Shyok-Daulat Beg Oldi (DSDBO) road - which winds through mountain passes up to the world's highest airstrip more than 5,000m above sea level in the Ladakh region - was finished last year after nearly two decades of work. Its completion could increase India's ability to move men and materiel rapidly in a conflict.

The 15 June clash, in Ladakh's Galwan Valley, gave rise to concerns that tensions between the two nuclear powers could boil over. They have never agreed on the exact position of their 3,500km border, and their armies - two of the world's largest - come face-to-face at many points along the rough, inhospitable terrain.

Disputed China-India border map

Both India and China have devoted money and manpower to building roads, rail links and airfields along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) - the de facto boundary separating them - as well as modernising their military hardware in the region.

India's recent building work, including the DSDBO road, appears to have infuriated China - but China has been busy building along the border for years. Both sides tend to view the other's construction efforts as calculated moves to gain tactical advantage, and tensions flare when either announces a major project.

In the summer of 2017, the neighbours were brought to a stand-off at Doklam plateau, far to the east of Ladakh. That confrontation was also over construction - this time China attempting to extend a border road near a tri-junction between India, China and Bhutan.

India plays catch-up

The completion of the DSDBO road, which connects the crucial Daulat Beg Oldi airstrip - put back in use in 2008 - to the regional capital Leh, has strengthened India's ability to move equipment quickly. The all-weather road lies about 20km from the Karakoram Pass and runs parallel to the LAC in eastern Ladakh.

India has long stationed men at Daulat Beg Oldi but, before the reactivation of the airstrip and the completion of the road, the men there could get supplies only through helicopter drops, and nothing could be removed, turning the airstrip into a "graveyard for equipment".

Rain line in Tibet
AddChina has built high-speed rail lines in Tibet despite the treacherous terr
ain caption

Additional roads and bridges are now being built to link the road with inland supply bases and border outposts on the LAC, enabling Indian patrols to go further forward and shifting the tactical dynamics in the area.

Plane at mountain airstrip Daulat Beg Oldi
AddIndia has landed heavy transport planes at the world's highest airstrip, Daulat Beg
Oldi caption

Despite the recent clashes, India has signalled that it will continue improving its infrastructure. It is in the process of moving 12,000 workers from its eastern state of Jharkhand to build roads along the border in Ladakh, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand, all areas which border China.

After years of letting its infrastructure fall into neglect, India is frantically trying to develop its borderlands to neutralise China's logistical advantage. It has begun a vast road and railway construction programme in the region.

A total of 73 strategic roads and 125 bridges have been sanctioned along different sectors on the Indian side of the LAC. But progress has been slow. Only 35 roads have been finished so far - key among them are Ghatibagarh-Lipulekh in Uttarakhand state and Damping-Yangtze in Arunachal Pradesh. Another 11 are scheduled to be built by the end of this year.

Delhi has also approved nine "strategic" rail lines - including the Missamari-Tenga-Tawang and the Bilaspur-Mandi-Manali-Leh sections. These run along the border with China and would allow the Indian military to carry heavy armour into position.

In terms of aviation facilities, India has about 25 airfields along the LAC but its recent focus has been on expanding its network of Advanced Landing Grounds (ALGs).

In 2018, India announced that it would modernise eight existing ALGs and also develop seven new ones close to the border. Sukhoi-30 advanced fighter jets and Chetak helicopters are deployed at Chabua - a key Indian Air Force base located in the state of Assam, along the eastern section of the border with China. That base has been recently renovated and modernised.

Although improved in recent years, India's building efforts continue to be hampered by rugged terrain, land acquisition problems, bureaucratic delays and budget constraints.

And it has a lot of catching up to do.

China's head-start

China has been putting its renowned construction abilities to use in recent years by building a network of air bases, cantonments and other physical infrastructure along the frontier.

Beijing began building roads in the Himalayan region as early as the 1950s, and now has an extensive road and rail network in Tibet and Yunnan Province.

Key infrastructure along India-China border

Since 2016, China has upped the stakes by increasing connectivity to areas near its boundary with India, Bhutan and Nepal.

It is working on linking the old Xinjiang-Tibet Road to National Highway G219, which runs along almost the entire China-India border. A concrete road between Medog and Zayu near India's Arunachal Pradesh state - which China claims - will be completed by the end of this year.

There is also a new rail line under construction connecting Shigatse - the second largest city in Tibet - to Chengdu via Nyingchi, close to the Indian border.

Another rail link is planned between Shigatse and Yadong, a trading centre next to Sikkim, a Himalayan state in north-east India, where a skirmish took place between Indian and Chinese troops in early May.

China has around a dozen airfields facing India, with five of them being dual-use airports in Tibet, meaning for both civilian and military purposes.

It is building three new airports there and upgrading Shigatse, Ngari Gunsa and Lhasa's all-weather Gonggar airport by adding underground shelters and new runways.

A surface-to-air missile battery and advanced fighter jets are reportedly deployed at Ngari Gunsa airfield, which is located 4,274m (14,022) feet above sea level, about 200km from Pangong Lake.

In terms of air power, military experts say India has a relative advantage, as China's bases are generally further from the LAC and at higher altitudes, where the thinner air means jets can carry less fuel and payload.

Suspicions over border infrastructure

These infrastructure improvements on both sides are designed with one primary purpose - to allow the fast movement of troops and military hardware to the border in case of a full-scale conflict.

"When these ambitious infrastructure projects eventually are completed, large numbers of Indian forces will be able to move more freely within certain critical sub-theatres without fear of being crippled or physically blocked," noted a 2019 study by the Centre for a New American Security.

India long held back from extensive development, believing that improving infrastructure on its side of the border would facilitate Chinese movement inside Indian territory in the event of a conflict. But it is moving away from that reasoning.

The two countries have fought only one war, in 1962, when India suffered a humiliating defeat.

Chinese military vehicles during a recent drill

China showcased its logistics capability during a recent military drill


Rajeswari Pillai, a fellow at Observer Research Foundation, described India's infrastructure building as "primarily a defensive response because China's infrastructure represents a threat, as it can permit the Chinese army to engage in offensive operations and allows it to rapidly concentrate forces at any point where there is a dispute".

"India's poor infrastructure has meant that it has always had difficulties in defending against China's encroachments," Ms Pillai said.

China denies encroaching, as does India when it is accused of stepping over the line. Several rounds of talks in the last three decades have failed to resolve the boundary disputes.

Meanwhile, Chinese state media has highlighted how quickly the military was able to mobilise for a recent drill near the India border using their efficient transport networks.

What Will Happen if the Coronavirus Vaccine Fails? A vaccine could provide a way to end the pandemic, but with no prospect of natural herd immunity we could well be facing the threat of COVID-19 for a long time to come. by Sarah Pitt

  There are  over 175  COVID-19 vaccines in development. Almost all government strategies for dealing with the coronavirus pandemic are base...