Beijing tries to balance nationalism with pragmatism in US relations by Sarah Zheng, Kinling Lo and Jun Mai

• Despite an apparent tit-for-tat dispute, China has consistently pulled punches when retaliating against actions from Washington
• The recent Chengdu-Houston consulate dispute is emblematic of the current state of the relationship.

• Beijing is attempting to straddle a fine line with Washington as it seeks to mollify domestic appetite for hardline policies without causing irrevocable damage to the relationship.

  Analysts say that despite the “Wolf Warrior” attitude from Chinese diplomats, official rhetoric and online nationalists, Beijing has stopped short of overly provocative steps and has not, or cannot, retaliate with equal force to American diplomatic volleys.

  Tensions flared last week when the US ordered China’s consulate in Houston to close within 72 hours over alleged espionage activities. Beijing reacted by closing the American consulate in Chengdu, rather than shuttering high-profile offices like the one in Wuhan that was temporarily closed during the pandemic or more significant US consulates in Shanghai or Hong Kong.

  

  The Chinese consulate in Houston, Texas was ordered to close after the US government accused it of being a centre for spying. Photo: Bloomberg

  Despite framing the closure in Chengdu as “necessary”, “appropriate” and “reciprocal” – and allowing for a live stream of the event to be viewed by millions – it highlighted Beijing’s balancing act in trying to please its domestic audience without pushing bilateral relations to the brink.

  “Basically, it intended to show that China stands firm but does not want to escalate the situation,” said Zhang Baohui, a political science professor at Lingnan University in Hong Kong. “China’s overall approach, as a rising power, is how not to move the US towards a full-fledged cold war.”

  Tensions between China and the US began to simmer when, in mid-2018, Washington 

  fired the first shots

   in a trade war that continues to this day. Although US President Donald Trump has dismissed further trade talks with China, Beijing maintained it was still committed to the “phase one” trade deal the two sides signed in January.

  Relations have only worsened as the major powers clashed over technological competition, corporate espionage, the coronavirus pandemic and Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Taiwan, and the South China Sea.

• Last Thursday, when US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo urged democratic-leaning Chinese citizens to more aggressively “induce change” from the Chinese Communist Party, Foreign Minister Wang Yi was busy 

  working to improve relations

   with Germany.

• Foreign ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said the speech showed Pompeo was “launching a new crusade against China in a globalised world” and urged the world to “step forward to prevent him from doing the world more harm”.

  In early July, Wang sent out a public call for reconciliation and dialogue “as long as the US is willing”. But just over a week later, he said the US had “

  lost its mind, morals and credibility

  ” and said the Trump administration’s “America First” policy had induced bullying and egoism.

  Cui Lei, an associate research fellow at the China Institute of International Studies in Beijing, said the party was still seeking to ease the situation, as had happened after previous moments of heightened tensions; particularly after the US bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999 and in 2001 when a US aircraft and Chinese fighter jet collided near Hainan.

  “Beijing’s strategy is both to maintain stability, express goodwill and to preserve, at least on the surface, a sense that they will not give in,” Cui, a former diplomat, said. “As long as the US does not want to go to war, there is still room for negotiations.”

  When the US sanctioned senior Chinese officials in July over Beijing’s repression in Xinjiang, the most prominent being Politburo member and Xinjiang party secretary Chen Quanguo, China responded by sanctioning lawmakers Marco Rubio, Ted Cruz, Chris Smith and the relatively unknown official Sam Brownback, the US ambassador at large for international religious freedom.

  

  US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said Chinese citizens should work to “induce change” in China. Photo: Reuters

  Also in July, Beijing reacted to the 

  US State Department’s approval of a US$620 million missile upgrade package

   to Taiwan by sanctioning Lockheed Martin, a move of little consequence because the US weapons supplier has limited business interests in China.

  Shi Yinhong, a government adviser and US specialist at Renmin University in Beijing, said China had largely avoided equal reciprocation to US actions in recent years.

  “China has less in its toolbox to retaliate with, compared to sanctions that the US and its closest allies, including the UK and Australia, could use,” he said. “Regular use of tit-for-tat could also give Trump exactly what he wants, and further isolate China internationally. And it would get the domestic public used to a strong response and further stimulate the appetite for US hawks in China.”

• It is difficult to gauge domestic public sentiment in China because of tight censorship and fears of expressing positions in contrast to the official political line.

  On China’s highly regulated social media platforms, state media coverage of the US-China row has spurred more nationalistic, anti-American sentiments. This could put pressure on the leadership to not appear weak against perceived US grievances.

  Zhu Feng, an international relations professor at Nanjing University, said there was a “wide spectrum of public opinions” but that they may not necessarily influence Beijing decision-making.

  “For domestic purposes, China did try to avoid looking weak with the decision in Chengdu and as part of its ‘Wolf Warrior diplomacy’, but I think China has been clear in trying to avoid the new cold war the US now wants to impose on China,” he said.

  

  Some analysts are hopeful that tensions between the US and China will cool after the election in America. Photo: AP

  Some have also suggested that tensions between the powers could ease after the US presidential election in November, citing that Trump has sought to blame Beijing for American woes from the coronavirus pandemic. The US makes up more than one-quarter of the nearly 16.5 million cases globally.

  But American lawmakers have coalesced around a bipartisan consensus pushing for a more aggressive approach to counter Beijing’s increasing assertiveness.

  Shen Dingli, a Shanghai-based expert on China-US relations, said every action from either country would guarantee a reaction in the current atmosphere, with no end to the downward spiral on the horizon.

  “This has become an infinite loop of action and reaction, and every step of it is taking Sino-US ties closer to the edge of a breaking in ties,” he said. “As long as neither country says, ‘We will not make any moves after being attacked’, then this loop obviously will not stop.”

US congressman introduces Taiwan Invasion Prevention Act Proposed bill authorizes US to use force if China attacks Taiwan

U.S. Congressman Ted Yoho (R-FL) on Wednesday (July 29) introduced a bill that would authorize the U.S. to use military force if China attacks Taiwan.

In a press release issued on Wednesday, Yoho, who is a ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs subcommittee on Asia, announced that he had introduced the Taiwan Invasion Prevention Act, which he stated would "clarify and strengthen the commitment of the United States to defend Taiwan in the event of an armed attack." Yoho tweeted that same day that the act would establish a "clear red line for China," saying Taiwan's future must be determined on a peaceful basis.

In addition, Yoho pointed out that Taiwan's status is "not a Chinese domestic issue." He explained that Taiwan is, in fact, a "vibrant democracy of nearly 24 million people," the 11th largest trading partner of the U.S., and in a jab at the World Health Organization (WHO), he highlighted Taiwan's role as a "leading contributor to global health security."

In his press release, Yoho stated that the bill lays out several steps to address aggressive military actions taken by China towards Taiwan amid the communist country's escalating aggression in Hong Kong, the South China Sea, and on the Sino-Indian border. Yoho asserted that the 40-year-old U.S. policy of strategic ambiguity towards Taiwan, meant to prevent a Chinese attack on the island and foster peaceful ties, "has clearly failed."

In a draft of the bill uploaded online, it authorizes the president of the U.S. to use force to protect Taiwan under the following three circumstances:

1. A direct attack by China's military.
2. The seizure of Taiwanese territory by Chinese forces.
3. The endangering of Taiwan's military forces or civilians.

The bill includes a sunset clause of five years for the use of force after its enactment. However, it provides for reauthorization by a subsequent act of Congress.

To boost regional security, the bill directs the U.S. to convene a regional security dialogue with Taiwan and like-minded countries as well as engage in military-to-military discussions with Taiwan. It also calls on the U.S. trade representative to enter negotiations on a bilateral trade agreement with his Taiwanese counterparts.

On the subject of combined military exercises, the bill proposes joint drills, disaster relief exercises, and Taiwan Strait transits and freedom of navigation operations. To bolster Taiwan's defenses, the legislation recommends that the country increase its annual defense spending, procure defense technologies to improve its capacity for asymmetric warfare, reform its military reserves, and participate with the U.S. in joint military exercises and on hardening cyber warfare capabilities.

In a section on American support for Taiwan's defense, the bill advocates accelerating weapons sales to Taiwan. It also recommends the secretary of defense send U.S. military advisors to Taiwan, encourage U.S. military personnel to enroll in Taiwan's National Defense University, maintain a significant American naval presence near Taiwan, and reestablish the "Taiwan Patrol Force" under the jurisdiction of the U.S. Navy.

Under a section for high-level visits, the bill prescribes a visit by the U.S. president to Taiwan within a year after the act is passed and a meeting between the top leaders of the two countries. Likewise, it also advocates a visit by the president of Taiwan to the U.S. and a meeting between the two heads of state.

Lastly, the bill invites the president of Taiwan to address a joint meeting of Congress and take part in a roundtable discussion with legislators on Capitol Hill.

In response, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) spokesperson Joanne Ou (歐江安) described the proposed legislation as "a very friendly bill" and said that Taiwan would like to express "our sincere thanks to Yoho for the introduction of this important bill." Ou stated that the congressman has taken a concrete action to safeguard the stability of the Taiwan Strait and support its democratic system.

Ou said that MOFA would continue to pay close attention to future developments with the bill and maintain close contact with the U.S. Congress and president. "The government will defend democracy and freedom. This is something we will not compromise or yield on, and it is also the consensus of 23 million people," said Ou.

India and China race to build along a disputed frontier By Pratik Jakhar

India and China are trying to out-build each other along their disputed Himalayan border.

A new road to a high-altitude Indian forward air base is said to have been one of the main triggers for a clash with Chinese troops last month that left at least 20 Indian soldiers dead.

The 255km (140-mile) Darbuk-Shyok-Daulat Beg Oldi (DSDBO) road - which winds through mountain passes up to the world's highest airstrip more than 5,000m above sea level in the Ladakh region - was finished last year after nearly two decades of work. Its completion could increase India's ability to move men and materiel rapidly in a conflict.

The 15 June clash, in Ladakh's Galwan Valley, gave rise to concerns that tensions between the two nuclear powers could boil over. They have never agreed on the exact position of their 3,500km border, and their armies - two of the world's largest - come face-to-face at many points along the rough, inhospitable terrain.

Both India and China have devoted money and manpower to building roads, rail links and airfields along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) - the de facto boundary separating them - as well as modernising their military hardware in the region.

India's recent building work, including the DSDBO road, appears to have infuriated China - but China has been busy building along the border for years. Both sides tend to view the other's construction efforts as calculated moves to gain tactical advantage, and tensions flare when either announces a major project.

In the summer of 2017, the neighbours were brought to a stand-off at Doklam plateau, far to the east of Ladakh. That confrontation was also over construction - this time China attempting to extend a border road near a tri-junction between India, China and Bhutan.

India plays catch-up

The completion of the DSDBO road, which connects the crucial Daulat Beg Oldi airstrip - put back in use in 2008 - to the regional capital Leh, has strengthened India's ability to move equipment quickly. The all-weather road lies about 20km from the Karakoram Pass and runs parallel to the LAC in eastern Ladakh.

India has long stationed men at Daulat Beg Oldi but, before the reactivation of the airstrip and the completion of the road, the men there could get supplies only through helicopter drops, and nothing could be removed, turning the airstrip into a "graveyard for equipment".

AddChina has built high-speed rail lines in Tibet despite the treacherous terr
ain caption

Additional roads and bridges are now being built to link the road with inland supply bases and border outposts on the LAC, enabling Indian patrols to go further forward and shifting the tactical dynamics in the area.

AddIndia has landed heavy transport planes at the world's highest airstrip, Daulat Beg
Oldi caption

Despite the recent clashes, India has signalled that it will continue improving its infrastructure. It is in the process of moving 12,000 workers from its eastern state of Jharkhand to build roads along the border in Ladakh, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand, all areas which border China.

After years of letting its infrastructure fall into neglect, India is frantically trying to develop its borderlands to neutralise China's logistical advantage. It has begun a vast road and railway construction programme in the region.

A total of 73 strategic roads and 125 bridges have been sanctioned along different sectors on the Indian side of the LAC. But progress has been slow. Only 35 roads have been finished so far - key among them are Ghatibagarh-Lipulekh in Uttarakhand state and Damping-Yangtze in Arunachal Pradesh. Another 11 are scheduled to be built by the end of this year.

Delhi has also approved nine "strategic" rail lines - including the Missamari-Tenga-Tawang and the Bilaspur-Mandi-Manali-Leh sections. These run along the border with China and would allow the Indian military to carry heavy armour into position.

In terms of aviation facilities, India has about 25 airfields along the LAC but its recent focus has been on expanding its network of Advanced Landing Grounds (ALGs).

In 2018, India announced that it would modernise eight existing ALGs and also develop seven new ones close to the border. Sukhoi-30 advanced fighter jets and Chetak helicopters are deployed at Chabua - a key Indian Air Force base located in the state of Assam, along the eastern section of the border with China. That base has been recently renovated and modernised.

Although improved in recent years, India's building efforts continue to be hampered by rugged terrain, land acquisition problems, bureaucratic delays and budget constraints.

And it has a lot of catching up to do.

China's head-start

China has been putting its renowned construction abilities to use in recent years by building a network of air bases, cantonments and other physical infrastructure along the frontier.

Beijing began building roads in the Himalayan region as early as the 1950s, and now has an extensive road and rail network in Tibet and Yunnan Province.

Since 2016, China has upped the stakes by increasing connectivity to areas near its boundary with India, Bhutan and Nepal.

It is working on linking the old Xinjiang-Tibet Road to National Highway G219, which runs along almost the entire China-India border. A concrete road between Medog and Zayu near India's Arunachal Pradesh state - which China claims - will be completed by the end of this year.

There is also a new rail line under construction connecting Shigatse - the second largest city in Tibet - to Chengdu via Nyingchi, close to the Indian border.

Another rail link is planned between Shigatse and Yadong, a trading centre next to Sikkim, a Himalayan state in north-east India, where a skirmish took place between Indian and Chinese troops in early May.

China has around a dozen airfields facing India, with five of them being dual-use airports in Tibet, meaning for both civilian and military purposes.

It is building three new airports there and upgrading Shigatse, Ngari Gunsa and Lhasa's all-weather Gonggar airport by adding underground shelters and new runways.

A surface-to-air missile battery and advanced fighter jets are reportedly deployed at Ngari Gunsa airfield, which is located 4,274m (14,022) feet above sea level, about 200km from Pangong Lake.

In terms of air power, military experts say India has a relative advantage, as China's bases are generally further from the LAC and at higher altitudes, where the thinner air means jets can carry less fuel and payload.

Suspicions over border infrastructure

These infrastructure improvements on both sides are designed with one primary purpose - to allow the fast movement of troops and military hardware to the border in case of a full-scale conflict.

"When these ambitious infrastructure projects eventually are completed, large numbers of Indian forces will be able to move more freely within certain critical sub-theatres without fear of being crippled or physically blocked," noted a 2019 study by the Centre for a New American Security.

India long held back from extensive development, believing that improving infrastructure on its side of the border would facilitate Chinese movement inside Indian territory in the event of a conflict. But it is moving away from that reasoning.

The two countries have fought only one war, in 1962, when India suffered a humiliating defeat.

China showcased its logistics capability during a recent military drill

Rajeswari Pillai, a fellow at Observer Research Foundation, described India's infrastructure building as "primarily a defensive response because China's infrastructure represents a threat, as it can permit the Chinese army to engage in offensive operations and allows it to rapidly concentrate forces at any point where there is a dispute".

"India's poor infrastructure has meant that it has always had difficulties in defending against China's encroachments," Ms Pillai said.

China denies encroaching, as does India when it is accused of stepping over the line. Several rounds of talks in the last three decades have failed to resolve the boundary disputes.

Meanwhile, Chinese state media has highlighted how quickly the military was able to mobilise for a recent drill near the India border using their efficient transport networks.

Skip Twitter post by @globaltimesnews

"The scale and short time it took to finish the mobilisation showed the army has the capability to project its power anywhere in China very quickly and send reinforcements to remote locations, including high elevation," an unnamed Chinese army veteran told the state-run Global Times.

As vast numbers of new roads, railways and bridges appear on both sides of the border, there is plenty of scope for more face-offs between Indian and Chinese troops in the future.

BAE Systems completes $1.9 billion acquisition of Raytheon’s military GPS business

BAE Systems has completed its $1.9 billion purchase of Collins Aerospace’s military Global Positioning System business from Raytheon Technologies Corporation, the company announced July 31. 

“Today marks the culmination of a tremendous team effort, and we are extremely proud to welcome the Military GPS employees to our company,” said John Watkins, vice president and general manager of Precision Strike & Sensing Solutions at BAE Systems. “Together, we will build on our rich histories of providing superior, innovative capabilities to help protect our U.S. and allied warfighters.”

BAE execs explain the thinking behind their latest acquisition

The acquisition follows the merger of defense contracting giants United Technologies Corp. and Raytheon into Raytheon Technologies Corporation in June. The U.S. Department of Justice had approved that merger in March, but only on the condition the companies divest UTC’s military GPS and large space-based optical systems businesses and Raytheon’s military airborne radios business.

The two companies had already struck a deal with BAE in January, which saw BAE purchasing Collins Aerospace’s military GPS business from UTC for $1.9 billion and Raytheon’s airborne tactical radio business for $275 million.

The military GPS business includes a workforce of 700 employees that design and build advanced, hardened, secure GPS products, including devices that can utilize M-Code, a more secure U.S. military GPS signal. The business boasts more than 1.5 million GPS devices installed on more than 280 weapons systems.

“This partnership will enable us to build on our market leadership and bring new discriminating capabilities to our customers, including the U.S. Department of Defense and its allies,” said Greg Wild, director of Military GPS. “We’re excited to be joining the BAE Systems family. They appreciate our legacy of innovation and will provide opportunities for continued business growth and success.”

China celebrates completion of rival sat navigation system

China is celebrating the completion of its BeiDou Navigation Satellite System that could rival the U.S. Global Positioning System and significantly boost China’s security and geopolitical clout.

President Xi Jinping, the leader of the ruling Communist Party and the People’s Liberation Army, officially commissioned the system Friday at a ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing.

That followed a declaration that the 55th and final geostationary satellite in the constellation launched June 23 was operating after having completed all tests.

The satellite is part of the third iteration of the BeiDou system known as BDS-3, which began providing navigation services in 2018 to countries taking part in China’s sprawling “Belt and Road” infrastructure initiative along with others.

As well as being a navigation aid with an extremely high degree of accuracy, the system offers short message communication of up to 1,200 Chinese characters and the ability to transmit images.

Foreign ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin said the system is already in use in more than half the world's nations and stressed China's dedication to the peaceful use of space and desire to work with other countries.

“China is willing to continue to strengthen exchanges and cooperation in space and share the achievements of space development with other countries on the basis of mutual respect, openness, inclusiveness, equality and mutual benefit," Wang said at a daily briefing.

While China says it seeks cooperation with other satellite navigation systems, BeiDou could ultimately compete against GPS, Russia’s GLONASS and the European Union’s Galileo networks. That’s similar to how Chinese mobile phone makers and other producers of technically sophisticated hardware have taken on their foreign rivals.

The official Xinhua News Agency said BeiDou is compatible with the three other systems but gave no details on how they would work together.

For China, among the chief advantages of the system, whose construction began 30 years ago, is the ability to replace GPS for guiding its missiles, especially important now amid rising tensions with Washington.

It also stands to raise China’s economic and political leverage over nations adopting the system, ensuring that they line up behind China’s position on Taiwan, Tibet the South China Sea and other sensitive matters or risk losing their access.

Key to China’s success was the China Academy of Space Technology’s development of rubidium atomic clocks that provide time and frequency standards for BDS satellites, Xinhua said.

It said the system was proof that attempts by Washington to impose a “tough hi-tech blockage" and crackdown on Chinese companies such as Huawei had failed.

“In spite of such measures, China’s innovation capability has only grown stronger. Just as President Xi recently said at a symposium on China’s economic work: 'No country nor individual can stop the historical pace of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation,” Xinhua said.