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Sunday, June 28, 2020

Revealed: The Pentagon’s Pacific Plans for the B-21 Stealth Bomber by Kris Osborn

The Pentagon plans to deploy its emerging B-21 stealth bomber in the Pacific as part of a decided effort to ensure technical superiority, sustain deterrence, and, if needed, hold potential adversaries at risk. 

The plan, articulated by Acting Assistant Secretary of Defense for Indo-Pacific Security Affairs David Helvey, incorporates the integration of surveillance assets, submarines and what the Pentagon envisions as a new generation of stealth technology contained in the B-21.

“We're making investments to ensure that we maintain operational readiness and strengthen the conventional capabilities that we have that are our enduring advantage such as submarines, the new B-21 Stealth bomber, the P-8 aircraft,” Helvey told reporters June 18, according to a Pentagon transcript. 

Helvey discussed the anticipated operation of the B-21 in the context of increased U.S.-allied training operations, coordinated strategic policies and a specific focus upon the “deterrence of any actors that would look to undermine or threaten our shared interests,” as he put it. 

Operating a B-21 in the Pacific, conducting patrols such as those now increasingly being performed by B-2s, B-52s and B1-bs in the Pacific theater, would present a new series of interwoven complexities for potential adversaries. 

Given that the B-21 is largely a “black” program, very few details are known about its technical characteristics, however, developers have emphasized that it incorporates a new generation of stealth technology, bringing an ability to hold “any target, anywhere in the world . . . at risk.” 

Slated to be operational in just the next few years, the B-21 could not come at a better time, given the rapid advances known to be occurring with Chinese surface-to-air defenses. While Russian S-400s and emerging S-500s have long been believed to be among the most advanced and concerning, there is now growing consensus that China’s technological progress in this area is also quickly gaining ground. 

The most cutting edge air defenses increasingly draw upon faster computer processing, digital networking between otherwise separate “nodes,” and multi-frequency radar technologies. A 2017 assessment in Deagle.com of the HQ-9 specifically cites that the Chinese air defenses are in part based upon the U.S. Patriot and Russian S-300 Systems. The newer HQ-9B is cited to be able to hit ranges out to three hundred kilometers. 

“The HQ-9 has a track-via-missile terminal guidance system and proximity fuze taken from the Patriot and cold-launch and aerodynamics from tube-launched S-300 missiles,” the Deagle.com report states. 

Despite the technological progress of air defenses, retired Lt. Gen. David Deptula, Dean of the Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies, maintains an “imperative for stealth,” explaining that the most advanced stealth bombers will remain very difficult to hit. 

“Even if a radar can detect, it now has to track, and when it transfers that data to engage it will have to shoot a missile using much smaller radar than that used for detection. Also, fusing of the interceptor weapon can be affected by low observability technology,” Deptula previously told the National Interest. “Bi-static radar can help detect low observable aircraft. However, to intercept a stealth aircraft requires the transfer of detection from a large acquisition radar to a much smaller interceptor radar either on an aircraft or a missile that can track—or maintain continuous “lock-on” of the low observable aircraft

The B-21 image released by the USAF depicts a design that does not use vertical flight control surfaces like tails. Without vertical surfaces to reflect radar from side aspects, the new bomber will have an RCS (Radar Cross Section) that reduces returns not only from the front and rear but also from the sides, making detection from any angle a challenge, the Mitchell Institute writes.

On the topic of RCS, an interesting essay called “Radar and Laser Cross-Section Engineering,” from the Aerospace Research Central, cites the emergence of new coating technologies, including “radar-absorbing materials and artificial metamaterials.” (Text written by David Jenn, an author from the Naval Postgraduate School).

Newer methods of infrared or thermal signature reduction are connected to engine and exhaust placement. Internally configured engines, coupled with exhaust pipes on the top of an aircraft can massively lower the heat emissions from an aircraft, such as the structure of the current B-2.

All of these emerging technical factors continue to inform a growing consensus regarding future war threats—that the B-21 may quite possibly be the only platform that will be able to penetrate certain enemy weapons and advanced air defenses for decades to come. 

China targeting non-English-speaking journalists in new push for influence – study

 Uighur men dancing after Eid al-Fitr prayers, marking the end of Ramadan, outside the Id Kah mosque in Kashgar, in China’s western Xinjiang region

China is attempting to use journalists from non-English speaking countries to promote its policies beyond its borders in a concerted new push for influence, a report by the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has found.

A survey of journalist unions across 58 countries found that through study tours, control of media infrastructure, and the provision of pro-Beijing content, China is “running an extensive and sophisticated long-term outreach campaign … [in] a strategic, long-term effort to reshape the global news landscape with a China-friendly global narrative”.

The IFJ report, The China Story: reshaping the world’s media, argues Beijing is also seeking to build control over messaging infrastructure – effectively the channels by which countries receive news – through foreign media acquisitions and large-scale telecommunications ventures. The report found the decade-long campaign “seems to be escalating”.

The survey, carried out in September and October 2019, asked journalism unions from 58 countries on whether they have received overtures from Beijing. This included questions about sponsored trips, content-sharing agreements and approaches to sign bilateral agreements with Chinese bodies.

Journalists from 29 of the nations surveyed had been on trips to China, with almost two-thirds of respondents judging that China has a visible presence in their national media. One-third of the journalism unions surveyed had been approached by Chinese entities seeking joint agreements.

The research found Beijing increasingly relies upon non-Chinese journalists, especially from developing countries, to amplify its own talking points.

“Beijing’s strategy whereby state-approved propaganda is diffused into existing systems is known as ‘borrowing a boat to reach the ocean’,” the report said.

One example has been a recent attempt by Beijing to push back against western narratives of human rights abuses in the political indoctrination camps in the far western province of Xinjiang, where Beijing is holding up to one million members of the Uighur minority, according to United Nations estimates.

Beijing has taken several groups of journalists from Muslim countries to the camps to win international support for its hardline strategy of combating what it says is religious extremism.

China is not the only country that seeks to influence foreign journalists. Many others, including the US and Israel, run government-sponsored journalistic study tours of their countries, seeking to promote their positions and global points of view. And global arms of state-funded media organisations or national broadcasters – such as Voice of America and the BBC World Service – are seen as effective instruments of ‘soft power’ and influence.

Report author Louisa Lim told the Guardian China’s efforts were often more comprehensive and were specifically targeted to each country, in particular, towards small and developing nations.

“It’s true other countries have done this every effectively. One difference, I would say, is the way journalists who go on these tours are being used domestically, by, for instance, going on tours of Xinjiang, that is used try and show international support for China’s policies.

“Also journalists are sometimes asked to sign agreements before they leave, and told not to write critical stories. There is also an element of monitoring, with officials, translators always present.”

At one roundtable of nine Myanmar journalists conducted for the IFJ research, every single journalist had been offered sponsored trips to China at least twice, and had accepted every single offer. One journalist had been to China nine times.

“The message is not don’t go on these tours, but know what they are. If you have an opportunity to meet senior officials, use them to hold to account.”

The Guardian has sought comment from the Chinese embassy in Australia, sending a detailed list of questions to the embassy. It has not received a response.

Media control and influence has become a critical diplomatic controversy between, in particular, the US and China. This week, the US state department announced that Chinese state-run media organisations China Central Television, China News Service, the People’s Daily, and the Global Times would be designated in the US as foreign missions.

In response, China’s foreign ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian said the US decision was “proof of blatant political oppression by the US on Chinese media”.

“We strongly urge the US to reject the cold war mindset and ideological bias, and to immediately stop and redress such wrongdoing that hurts others and itself, ” he said.

China has also been refusing to renew the visas of US journalists working in the country.

The IFJ research found Beijing has prioritised journalists from countries involved in its massive infrastructural project, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

In the Philippines a number of journalists received training in China after the President’s Communications Operation Office signed a memorandum of understanding with China’s National Radio and Television Administration.

One Filipino journalist – who asked to remain anonymous – noted the subsequent impact on their news output. “The way they write their stories now, they reflect the way Xinhua – or the state media in China – is writing their stories. It’s normally propaganda.”

Stealthy 'Son Of Ares' Mystery Jet Appears With Odd Markings And NASA F-15 Escort

Last week The War Zone reported on intriguing tests involving Scaled Composites' high-flying Proteus test platform and the company's two Model 401 'Son Of Aresstealthy jet demonstrators, which still largely remain a mystery. We can now say that these missions have not only continued, they have expanded to include new aircraft types. 

Make sure to read our previous piece on these peculiar operations linked here in order to get up to speed and for full context. 

This week, the trio of highly experimental aircraft were airborne once again over and near the Navy's massive Naval Air Weapons Station China Lake range complex in the Mojave Desert. Proteus and one of the Model 401s sortied from Scaled Composite's home base at Mojave Air and Space Port, while the other Model 401 flew out of China Lake, just like last time. But this time around they were joined by another player, a NASA F-15D Eagle carrying a large pod.

This week, the trio of highly experimental aircraft were airborne once again over and near the Navy's massive Naval Air Weapons Station China Lake range complex in the Mojave Desert. Proteus and one of the Model 401s sortied from Scaled Composite's home base at Mojave Air and Space Port, while the other Model 401 flew out of China Lake, just like last time. But this time around they were joined by another player, a NASA F-15D Eagle carrying a large pod

The appearance of a NASA F-15 for the tests is interesting. Nearby Armstrong Flight Research Center supports development and flight test work that have both civilian and military applications. Considering the exotic podded payloads Proteus often lugs around, which range between NASA scientific instruments to advanced military sensors, its involvement isn't too puzzling. Our photo contributor Christopher McGreevy found himself under the flight path of the F-15D and the Model 401 and captured a couple of photos of the formation: 

According to local observers and plane trackers, the Model 401s flew together at times and separate at others and a KC-10 was present to provide fuel for the NASA F-15D as the tests wore on. Proteus was also close by at a similar altitude, around 25,000 feet, as the Model 401s, flying its large racetrack-like patterns oftentimes to the west of the action 

Hans Friedel was near Mojave as this was going on and snapped some photos of one of the Model 401s and Proteus as they recovered at Mojave Air and Space Port. This is our first good look at N401XP in its configuration for these tests. Note that the aircraft wears a new overall gray coating and there are large discolored diamond-like shapes below the cockpit and on its lower tail section. It is unclear what exactly these patches are for, but it seems like the Model 401s may be participating in a test that at least has something to do with their signatures, which can include radar, electronic, infrared, and visual.

We also get a look at the other side of the pod Proteus is carrying, which appears to have some sort of electro-optical system installed. It's not clear if there is also a radar or some emitter situated in between, as well. If so, this would certainly help slew the optical systems on to their targets. With two apertures seen, it may make sense why two model 401s are participating in the test. The configuration would also point to why the planes are flying largely on the same plane as the cameras, if they are cameras, as they would have a limited ability to pan and tilt in this flush-mounted configuration. Still, we don't know for sure what the payload is or its utility for certain, so take all this with a grain of salt.

The odd surface treatment on the Model 401 may also point to some sort of a coating test, maybe one that works to reduce the infrared signature of the aircraft, which is becoming more and more important as infrared search and track (IRST) systems are increasing in their capabilities and pose a real threat to stealthy aircraft. In addition, a significant portion of air-to-air missile capabilities also relies on imaging infrared homing. But reductions in infrared signature alone may not be the extent of the tests. The Pentagon has long been interested in visual signature reduction. You can read all about the long developmental past of aerial 'cloaking' technologies and where such a capability may be at today in this past feature of ours. It's also worth noting that past technology demonstrator aircraft, such as Boeing's Bird Of Prey, existed partially to test visual signature reduction measures. 

Once again, these are just some thoughts based on the information we have at hand. Those areas on the Model 401's skin could be conformal antennas or even calibration and tracking marks to aid an optical tracking system that is being tested. As such, the Model 401s could be providing lower observable targets for challenging that system, nothing more. We just don't know. 

There has been much speculation that these aircraft could be manned or optionally manned demonstrators to prove unmanned technologies, such as the loyal wingman concept of operations and more. Like many other Scaled Composites other designs, their actual reason for being may be multi-fold or will shift over time.

Hanz also pointed out to us that the Model 401 sounds remarkably strange when landing and he even connected it to a video of an RQ-170 Sentinel landing at Creech Air Force Base some time ago that we have discussed here on The War Zone in the past. Check out the two videos below:

It is not clear if the similarities are due to a common powerplant or the odd inlet designs on both aircraft, or even a combination of both, but it is interesting none the less. 

So, that is where it sits now. There has been no action with the Model 401s today as far as we can tell, although Raytheon's 'Voodoo 1' 727 sensor test jet has been flying over the same area that Proteus was yesterday. It isn't clear if any of this is tied to the ongoing testing in question. Regardless, it seems clear that whatever program is underway involving these little stealthy jets it is a complex one that requires a large variety of assets and multiple test flights. 

With that in mind, we probably will be seeing a lot more of the Model 401s and their friends in the days to come. 

How the Air Force Is Using B1-B and B-52 Bombers During Chinese-Indian Tensions by Kris Osborn

U.S. Air Force Bomber Task Forces are sustaining patrols and combat readiness in numerous areas throughout the Indo-Pacific theater to maintain war-readiness and pursue deterrence missions amid heightened tensions with China and America and growing India-China tensions

B1-Bs and B-52s have been conducting bi-lateral war game maneuvers with Japanese Air Defense Forces, according to a statement from Air Force Global Strike Command. 

Beginning June 14, three B-52 bombers from Barksdale Air Force Base, Louisiana, began launching patrols from Alaska. This most recent move follows another recent deployment wherein, B-1B Lancers from the 9th Expeditionary Bomb Squadron, 7th Bomb Wing, Dyess Air Force Base, Texas, deployed to Andersen Air Force Base, Guam, in support of Pacific Air Forces’ Bomber Task Force missions. 

While the Air Force statement did not specifically mention China, or refer to the emerging India-China conflict, the comments did specify the “Indo-Pacific” region and cite the “uncertain security environment.” 

“BTF (Bomber Task Force) missions are routine demonstrations of the credibility of our forces to address a diverse and uncertain security environment, and particularly AFGSC’s ability to deliver lethal, long-range strike options across the globe anytime, anywhere,” General Timothy Ray, Commander, Air Force Global Strike Command, said in a written statement. 

Although the Bomber Task Force movements were described as routine, it takes little imagination to recognize that such maneuvers are likely to take on added significance and urgency in light of growing violence and tension along the Indian-Chinese border. 

Interestingly, the most recent deployment specifically launches B-52, combat-tested aircraft which, due to upgrades, are now almost nothing like the classic Vietnam-era bomber. While the basic airframes have withstood the test of time, the B-52 continues to receive high-tech adjustments to ensure the platform remains effective in modern, higher-threat environments. 

No longer used primarily as a “carpet bombing” platform, the bomber can drop advanced precision bombs, network intelligence information in-flight due to advanced digital data links and increase mission dwell time and effectiveness with a newly engineered Internal Weapons Bay Upgrade. Moreover, the 1760 Internal Weapons Bay Upgrade will allow the B-52 to internally carry up to eight of the newest “J-Series” bombs in addition to carrying six on pylons under each wing. The digital data links enable B-52 pilots to receive new intel while “en-route” due to new connectivity with aircraft and ground-commanders. 

Pilots and B-52 modernization experts have said that having an increased internal weapons bay capability affords an opportunity to increase fuel-efficiency by removing bombs from beneath the wings and reducing drag. The first increment of IWBU integrates an internal weapons bay ability to fire a laser-guided JDAM, officials said.

Developers have added that a second increment, that will be completed by 2022, will integrate more modern or cutting-edge weapons such as the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile (JASSM Extended Range) and a technology called Miniature Air Launched Decoy (MALD). A MALD-J “jammer” variant, which will also be integrated into the B-52, can be used to jam enemy radar technologies as well.

A more effectively armed B-52 enables the aircraft to linger for longer periods of time in deterrence missions and allow more time for pilots to identify multiple targets on a single mission. 

“It is about a 66 percent increase in carriage capability for the B-52, which is huge. You can imagine the increased number of targets you can reach, and you can strike the same number of targets with significantly less sorties,” an Air Force official said in an interview on the IWBU several years ago. 

Also having an increased internal weapons bay capability affords an opportunity to increase fuel-efficiency by removing bombs from beneath the wings and reducing drag.

Chinese Navy Steps Closer To New Generation Of Nuclear Submarines by H i Sutton

China's future nuclear powered submarines (Type-095 and Type-096)

New evidence at the Bohai shipyard in China points to the construction of the next generation of nuclear submarines for the Chinese Navy (known as the PLAN). While many have argued that the new Type 095 and 096 subs will be built there, it is only now that the infrastructure is largely ready. The new submarines will be important if the PLAN wishes to patrol the open Pacific, or routinely venture into the Indian Ocean. Analysis of commercial imagery shows a new launch barge has recently been completed at the site. From an intelligence standpoint, this is an important indicator.

In an unclassified analysis, the U.S. Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI) says it expects China’s submarine fleet to grow from around 66 boats today to 76 by 2030. This will include 6 more nuclear-powered attack submarines, which is what the Bohai yard at Huludao builds. Others, such as Captain Captain James E. Fanell who was Director of Intelligence and Information Operations for the U.S. Navy’s Pacific Fleet, put their estimates higher. Fanell recently projected around 110 submarines by 2030.

So the work at the new Huludao facility will play a key part in the expansion. The ONI points to this fact, stating, “Current expansion at submarine production yards could allow higher future production numbers.”

So it is not a great leap to say that the new construction halls and dry dock at Huludao will be used to build new nuclear-powered attack submarines. These are expected to be the all-new Type-095 Tang Class which may be China’s answer to the Virginia Class. I estimate that at least nine will need to be built to reach the 2030 projection. This is because three of the existing boats are reaching the end of their operational lives. The Type-091 Han class were China’s first generation nuclear submarines and entered service in the 1970s. Three of the class, laid down in the 1980s, are still in service. The rest are the newer Type-093 Shang class which first entered service in 2006.

Work on the Huludao expansion started in 2014 with large new construction halls built on reclaimed land. The hall has three construction bays, each large enough to house two submarines. The buildings themselves were complete by 2017, but it is only recently that they have been connected to the dry dock where the submarines will be launched. A new launch barge has been put in place to transfer the submarines from dry land into the water. So China now has the facilities lined up to start launching Type-095 submarines.

According to Captain Chris Carlson, a former senior U.S. intelligence officer and technical intelligence expert, the driver for the new construction facility may not be the Type-095. Instead he sees the next generation ballistic missile submarine (SSBN), the Type-096, as benefiting more. This is because he expects it to be larger and heavier than the current Type-094 Jin class SSBN. “The original construction hall is probably too small to house both new submarines, but this assumes the submarines’ beam (width) is the constraining issue – the Type 096's expected greater length is a definite problem. The original launch barge also likely has inadequate lifting capacity to get a much larger Type 096 submarine into the water.”

Carlson believes that the new submarines will be wider than the current generation. “Despite all the blog blustering, the current Type 093 attack submarine is a noisy boat. And the 093A, while better, isn't the equivalent of a 688 (Los Angeles Class)”. This is largely because of size. Carlson continues, “The pressure hull diameter of a Type-093 is just too small for a full entablature raft along with compound isolation to house the entire propulsion plant and the necessary auxiliaries. This is the same constraint the Russian’s experienced with the Victor III Class that has a less effective ring raft.” In layperson’s terms, the pressure hull needs to be bigger to provide space to insulate the submarine’s steel hull from the vibrations of the machinery.

If high levels of stealth are desired, then the new submarines will likely have a similar hull diameter to the Russian Improved Akula class. According to ONI documents, the Improved Akula-I is reputed to be quieter than a U.S. Navy Improved Los Angeles (688I) Class submarines. The new Chinese boats will also have a special outer hull treatment, known as an anechoic coating, which improves stealth.

Of course the new submarines are expected to have the latest in Chinese sonar and weapons. But the biggest capability leap might be a larger crew. This will enable much longer patrols because, despite ever-improving automation, crew fatigue remains a major constraint for at-sea endurance. So these bigger boats are seen as a step in the journey for a PLAN with global ambitions.

Saturday, June 27, 2020

Why the Korean War Armistice and U.S. Alliance Is Here to Stay Pyonyang wants conessions Seoul cannot give, but the alliance will keep the peace. by Evans J.R. Revere

 https://www.reutersconnect.com/all?id=tag%3Areuters.com%2C2017%3Anewsml_RC16A9990A00&share=true
As the world commemorates the 70th anniversary of the start of the Korean War, the Center for the National Interest’s Korean Studies team decided to ask dozens of the world’s top experts a simple question: Do you believe that the Korean War will finally come to an end before its next major anniversary in 2025? The below piece is an answer to that question. Please click here to see even more perspectives on this important topic. 

On the eve of this year’s commemoration of the onset of the Korean War, Pyongyang bluntly reminded us that Korea’s civil war—a war North Korea doesn’t intend to lose—is far from over. North Korea’s dramatic destruction of the Inter-Korean Joint Liaison Office in Kaesong and its promise to take military steps against the South also highlighted the stark contrast between Seoul’s idealistic vision of reconciliation and Pyongyang’s cold-blooded pursuit of a zero-sum competition with the South. Seventy-five years after its tragic division, the Korean Peninsula remains a dangerous place, and all signs suggest a period of rising danger is ahead.

North Korea’s destruction of a symbol of South-North cooperation signaled its preparedness to dismantle the entire foundation of relations with Seoul. Pyongyang has already cut communication links and military hotlines to the South, and it is now on the verge of ending the Comprehensive Military Agreement concluded on September 19, 2018, between the two Koreas to reduce border tensions. Pyongyang is even planning to redeploy troops and resume military exercises along the DMZ, rebuild DMZ guard posts, and reinforce artillery units capable of targeting South Korea. With virtually every North-South connection now suspended or in danger of termination, the Moon administration’s vision of reconciliation with Pyongyang has gone up in the smoke of the explosion at Kaesong. The two Koreas now seem headed for a dark, confrontational period in their relations.

Pyongyang’s anger at Seoul has been rising since the collapse of the Trump-Kim Jong-un summit in Hanoi. North Korea has resented Seoul’s failure to convince Washington to accept the North’s offer of closing some of its nuclear facilities in exchange for easing of sanctions. More broadly, Pyongyang has long been frustrated that engagement with Seoul has not yielded tangible benefits. Faced with the pressure of sanctions and an economic downturn caused by the coronavirus pandemic, Pyongyang’s new strategy is to threaten the end of all contact and cooperation unless South Korea offers major concessions. Even if Seoul were inclined to yield to this blackmail, the restraints imposed by international sanctions and the need to avoid alienating its U.S. ally would likely prevent it from satisfying Pyongyang’s demands. But Seoul’s latest rhetoric suggests it is not inclined to play North Korea’s game.

As tensions simmer, we cannot rule out the possibility that North Korea may carry out a military provocation, both to test Seoul’s mettle and to underscore its point that the era of cooperation between North and South has ended. Should that happen, South Korea will be compelled to respond. As tensions escalate, progress on the nuclear issue is unlikely. Indeed, Pyongyang is more wedded to its nuclear weapons now than ever.

Both Washington and Seoul have sought to make progress on the nuclear issue by indicating a willingness to replace the Korean War Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace treaty, but this idea has not gained any traction in Pyongyang. Instead, Pyongyang is focused on its demand that Washington remove their own “threat,” which North Korean diplomats define as the US-South Korea alliance, the presence of American troops in Korea, the U.S. nuclear umbrella over South Korea, and those tactical and strategic weapons the U.S. could bring to bear in a conflict with North Korea. Even for the current U.S. president, a vocal alliance skeptic, accepting Pyongyang’s demand and leaving America’s South Korean ally to face a nuclear-armed North Korea on their own seems highly unlikely.

The upshot of the current crisis is that five years from now, when we commemorate the 75th anniversary of the beginning of the Korean War, both the armistice and the alliance—which have long kept the peace on the Korean Peninsula—will still be with us. That is our good fortune, since they will be indispensable in restraining and deterring a nuclear-armed North Korea and in preventing another tragic Korean War.

First F-35C Stealth Fighter Pilots Have Graduated Top Gun This is the first time that TOPGUN students graduated from the program using a syllabus that was developed from the ground up specifically for the F-35C integrated operations. by Peter Suciu

Reuters

Move over Maverick. While the coronavirus pandemic may have delayed the upcoming Tom Cruise movie Top Gun Maverick, in real life the United States Navy’s training course has gone forward.

This week the Navy announced that two pilots, one from Strike Fighter Squadron (VFA) 125 “Rough Raiders” and another from VFA-147 “Argonauts” have become the first F-35C Lighting II pilots to graduate from the thirteen-week Navy Strike Fighter Tactics Instructor course—otherwise known as TOPGUN. 

The pilots included Maj. Derek Heinz from the Rough Raiders and Lt. William Goodwin, III from the Argonauts. They are the first to successfully complete the thirteen-week Navy Strike Fighter Tactics Instructor (SFTI) course at the Naval Aviation Warfighting Development Center (NAWDC) at Naval Air Station Fallon, Nevada. Both men were already F-35 pilots prior to taking part in the advanced Navy program. 

The SFTI course, otherwise known as TOPGUN, is an individual-level training course loaded with classroom lectures and labs, as well as simulated and live-fly events that are focused on the newest advanced tactical recommendations, and designed to create newly-minted tactics instructors who are ready to return and train the fleet. 

“Our focus on the students that go through TOPGUN is not limited to teaching them the tactics, techniques, and procedures that are required for them to successfully employ their aircraft, integrated into a larger force,” explained NAWDC TOPGUN Department Head, Cmdr. Timothy Myers. “We are also in the business of teaching our graduates how to instruct other students so that when they go back to the Fleet, they are able to instruct at a very high level.”

The Navy aviators flew the F-35C Lighting II Carrier Variant (CV), which has larger, foldable wings and more robust landing gear than the other models of the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter.

In addition, while all of the F-35C instructors had undergone the thirteen-week course, this is the first time that TOPGUN students graduated from the program using a syllabus that was developed from the ground up specifically for the F-35C integrated operations. The program was developed by the gradual introduction of F-35C tactics into the training curriculum for previous classes. The Navy said the result is a cadre of highly trained instructors executing a fully-integrated F-35C syllabus that provides a well-rounded “graduate-level” training for the fifth-generation fighter to take back to the fleet. 

“Graduating Strike Fighter Tactics Instructors allows us to accelerate learning by feeding TOPGUN training back to the Fleet, elevating the lethality and survivability of both the individual aircraft as well as the Carrier Strike Group,” added Myers. “The Lightning II proved its value to the Navy during every phase of the TOPGUN course, and its integration with the F/A-18E/F Super HornetE/A-18G Growler and E-2C/D Hawkeye demonstrated that the powerful combination of 4th and 5th generation fighters, with advanced electronic attack, and command and control, is a force-multiplier against advanced threats.”

Since completing the TOPGUN course, Heinz and Goodwin have returned to instruct and train the fleet in the latest TOPGUN tactics, techniques and procedures. There will a particular emphasis on ensuring that pilots will have the requisite skill sets to effectively employ the Lighting II during its first operational deployment. 

What Will Happen if the Coronavirus Vaccine Fails? A vaccine could provide a way to end the pandemic, but with no prospect of natural herd immunity we could well be facing the threat of COVID-19 for a long time to come. by Sarah Pitt

  There are  over 175  COVID-19 vaccines in development. Almost all government strategies for dealing with the coronavirus pandemic are base...